miércoles, 21 de mayo de 2014

Sociology essay on Taste


You are what you prefer

 

Do we define ourselves by our choices of consumption and are we, on some unconscious level, already pre-conditioned to make these choices by the environment we grew up in and the social group we ‘belong’ to?

Me and my friend Victoria’s and Astrid’s (with whom I live together) own consumer preferences provide interesting information when connected to the sociology of Pierre Bourdieu. He claims that people in modern society use their cultural capital and consumerist styles to distinguish themselves from others. Cultural taste, preferences and consumption thus fulfill the social function, deliberately or not, of demarcating and legitimizing social differences.

 

Instead of dividing different parts of society only into classes, Bourdieu uses the concept of field: a social space with its own rules, schemes of domination, legitimate opinions, etc. Among the main fields in modern societies, Bourdieu cites the arts, education, law, politics and economy. Most of Bourdieu’s work concerns the role of educational and cultural factors.

It is important to realize that Astrid, Victoria and I share the same educational background and have had more or less the same upbringing with parents who share a similar education. Both my dad and Astrid’s mum teach at a university, for instance. Therefore, it would be logical to deduce that we share more or less the same consumer preferences, ones we have ‘learned to want’, as Bourdieu would say. It’s also important to bear in mind that consumer preferences are not limited to food. They include tastes in art, literature, music and many more.

 

If we apply Bourdieu to our life, whichever brand of tea we prefer might turn out to have more implications than immediately obvious. Habitus, a term used by Bourdieu; plays an important role in contributing to social reproduction as it generates and regulates practices which make up social life. Habitus refers to the lifestyle, values, expectations and dispositions of particular social groups that are acquired through the activities and experiences of everyday life. The conditions in which we live generate tastes that are in accordance with these conditions, according to Bourdieu.

On to the tea test: whilst I succumb to the delicate flavours of Twinings English breakfast, Astrid goes for the admittedly cheaper Westminster tea and Victoria for Lipton Green Tea. As I spent the first eight years of my life in England, I suppose the Twinings brand gives me a sense of nostalgia and of still being a part of English culture. Astrid, though having lived in Utrecht her whole life, shares my love of England and  the Westminster brand also has something distinctly ‘English’ about it. Victoria’s choice of green tea could be linked to her concern for good health and healthy food; green tea is prized for its antioxidant and fat-burning properties. By drinking green tea, she is part of the ‘Healthy People’ brigade.

 

I suppose the fact that we drink tea at all also says something about us, and by drinking tea we are consciously saying something about ourselves. Although tea used to be a common drink of the lower classes, heavily consumed in Ireland by the uneducated working classes, it has become something select, delicate and healthy, consumed by the educated economically stable people of today. We could be drinking coke and Fanta all day, but instead we choose tea. And let’s not forget coffee: the lifeblood of the 21st century, as British feminist Caitlin Moran states in Moranthology. Café’s specialized in coffees have become increasingly trendy. They are the new hangout of students and people who like to cultivate a hip imago. A take-away coffee has become somewhat of a status-symbol, screaming: “I’m busy”, “I have good taste” and “I do something interesting with my life and therefore need a caffeine-fix.” It can be safely assumed that most people in coffee shops are educated, share a common appreciation of good food and art, are interested in the world around them (why else would they all be reading newspapers or typing away at something their life demands from them?) and have well-paid jobs or rich parents (why else would they be willing to fork out four euro’s for a coffee ‘special’?)

Apart from tea, me and my unit mates also share a common love of soymilk, ricecakes, cheese, spinach and pepper. We don’t eat that much meat in general, something that research has linked to educated women with a higher socioeconomic status. In eating habits there seems to be a quality-quantity and substance-form antithesis. In some (lower SES) social groups, the conditions the individuals live in generate the taste of necessity (the most filling, economic foods), as they don’t aspire to what is not available to them. For other (higher) social groups, the emphasis lies on manner of presentation and serving.

 

Books: the next area of investigation. On both my and Astrid’s shelf Harry Mulisch and Jane Austen are to be found. On Victoria’s shelf are sitting Nietzsche and Freud and on mine there is a book containing Dali’s works and more philosophical/autobiographical/fictional literature.

When it comes to film, we can all appreciate both art house and animation-movies for children, as we can distinguish in them certain ‘fine’ qualities.

 

 

The fact that we seem to share a common appreciation for the same kind of qualities in art can be directly traced back to how we acquired this taste in the first place, according to Bourdieu. In his Distinction, he discusses how the work of art is not ‘love at first sight’, but presupposes an act of cognition, a decoding operation which implies the implementation of a cognitive acquirement; a cultural code. In other words, the capacity to appreciate all the aspects of a work of art is largely dependent on your cultural background and the social circle in which you were educated and raised.

 

According to Bourdieu, art and cultural consumption are predisposed to fulfill a social function of legitimating social differences.  The denial of vulgar (natural) enjoyment implies an affirmation of the superiority of those who can enjoy the sublimated and refined. This is in contrast to the submission to necessity which seems to be characteristic of working-class people who have a pragmatic approach and go for the functional. In daily life, this is reflected in an art of living which rejects specifically aesthetic intentions.

A lot of our preferences and consumption patterns are self-evident to many people. Bourdieu refers to this experience of the natural and social as appearing obvious as doxa. In Distinction, Bourdieu states that doxa sets limits on social mobility; certain things are learned to be regarded as being inappropriate and not belonging to your social position. Therefore, doxa establishes social limits and increases a sense of one’s ‘place’ in society to which certain things do and do not correspond. We, as individuals, internalize these mental structures, which regulate our consumption.

 

Drawing upon the mental structures just mentioned, one could ask: how do we internalize them in the first place? Part of an answer to this could be the reference to symbolic violence. Bourdieu argues that symbolic violence is the imposition of categories of thought and perception upon dominated social agents, who then take this social order to be just. We eventually experience symbolic power and culture as legitimate. If this theory is taken to a more personal level, our parents can be appointed as powerful exercisers of symbolic power, steering us away from ‘inappropriate’ things. The type of education we have (or haven’t) received has a similar function with the addition of introducing us to things that will help us become who we are and establish a particular social position.

This social position is dependent on many factors and involves an interaction of economical social and cultural forms of capital. Apart from how much you earn (your economic capital) forms of prestige, attention or honour (symbolic capital) and cultural capital (competencies, skills and qualifications) come into play. I don’t earn much: I am a student and therefore my economic capital is practically non-existent. I am, however, building on my cultural capital by studying at a renowned university in Holland, offering a liberal arts and sciences program. My symbolic or social capital is also partially defined by my studying here; I will derive a fair amount of prestige  if  I complete my studies, opening many doors to me. The fact that I am native in three languages is also something that receives attention; something that adds to my ‘value’ so to speak.

 

In conclusion, the ways we set ourselves apart from different social groups in society is a complex process that we aren’t even always aware of, as we have learned to recognize certain preferences and practices as ‘natural’ and belonging to us or the kind of person we stand for in society. It is interesting to try to become aware of the hidden meanings behind something as seemingly innocent as the brand of food we choose to buy. Next time in the supermarket: take a good look inside somebody’s shopping-cart and try to deduce as much as possible from it!

 

 

Sources

 
Bourdieu, P. (1984). A Social Critique of the Judgement of Taste. London and New York: Routledge/ Harvard University Pres

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